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Why a Synthesized Model of Capitalism and Communism Could Be the Best Alternative for Government?
Keywords:
20th century, Imperial Russia (19th century), the USSR, WWI, the Russian Revolution, the Russian Civil War, Nicholas II, the Bolsheviks, the Soviets, Lenin, Communism, Socialism, ideology, economy, culture, the World Revolution, Cold War
Abstract:
The Russian Revolution, the political event that took place in 1917 one century ago, has incomparable historical value shaping the global socio-political themes. In the early 20th century, imperial Russia ruled by Nicholas II experienced unprecedented economic and political failures. The start of WWI led to the inevitable collapse of Tsarist autocracy. Consequently, Nicholas II was forced to abdicate during the February Revolution. The Bolsheviks led by Lenin finally defeated Kerensky’s Provisional Government after the October Revolution and founded Soviet Russia. The old political system was decimated, while a new one was being grounded. The revolutionary changes in Russia were a harbinger of imminent communist threat for capitalist countries in the West as the political conflict between two divergent and diametrically opposed ideologies grew bigger. However, neither pure capitalism nor absolute communism offers a balanced ideology and, I submit, a hybridization of both is the best working model for all governments. The creation of a synthesized model incorporating functional components of two political systems, communism and Western-style democracy, will be the natural, ultimate result of political reforms.
The Russian Revolution was the most cataclysmic event during the early part of the 20th century. “Before the Russian Revolution and the Russian working class, we have no right to stake the whole future on the card of an armed uprising.”1 Generally, it is regarded as a transformational historical incident leaving an indelible mark not just on Russian history but our collective human history, thus affecting modern nations and states globally in both positive and pernicious ways.
The revolution was long destined for an outbreak on account of Russia’s precarious and unsustainable political and economic situation. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Russian economy had a significant downturn and the government was mired in corruption.2 The lower classes were visibly disaffected by the seemingly never-ending terrible living conditions. Defeat in the Russo-Japanese War3 as well as Bloody Sunday4 made people’s wrath reach its apex, thus propitiously preparing the ground for a transformational political change.Before the outbreak of WWI, the economic and socio-political conditions had already been deteriorating. Terrible working conditions and lack of appropriate and fair wages triggered strikes long. Nicholas II’s conservative dictatorship and ruthless attitude against protest antagonized people and enfeebled his impression of “the little father.” The war devoured most of the domestic wealth which led to a dearth of supplies. Ergo, soldiers in the frontier experienced a drastic paucity of food and military equipment.5 “At the end of 1914, with mobilization completed, Russia had 6.5 million soldiers under arms but only 4.6 million rifles.”6 Military setbacks revealed the government’s fundamental incompetence. For instance, Russia’s plan to paralyze German forces in East Prussia proved to be a military calamity as one of the two armies was almost annihilated while the other was forced to retreat into Poland.7
The February Revolution took place in Petrograd where strikes and a mélange of protests quickly spread throughout the capital, causing much social pressure, unrest and revolts, which led to Nicholas II’s abdication. Subsequently, the Provisional Government was set to take over the executive power, but Alexander Kerensky, the leader of the Provisional Government, ignored the war-weariness of the people and kept on the bellicose efforts. He started the Kerensky Offensive in order to regain support from Russian people, but it turned out to be a martial catastrophe further weakening the government. As a result of the government’s warfare policy, the Bolsheviks occupied Petrograd with an armed uprising, otherwise known as the October Revolution.
The clash between the Red Army and White Army expedited a civil war which the Bolsheviks eventually won. However, the civil war caused the death of 9.5 million people, mostly civilians.8 Due to the Decossackization9, “some 12,000 Cossacks, many of them old men, were executed as ‘counter-revolutionaries’ by the tribunal of the invading Red Army.”10 About 100,000 Jews were killed in the Ukraine by the White Army.11 Northern cities, which became “little more than ghost towns,” suffered the most, especially Petrograd; “the evacuation of the capital to Moscow seemed to deprive it of all life.”12
By 1921, the industrial production value had dropped to one-fifth of that of 1913.13 The Bolsheviks, who had caused copious economic devastation, now had to help the country recover by way of new tactics. For other countries, the ratification of a myriad of socio-economic policies became a viable blueprint. Among them were a series of significant stratagems which had great influence on Russian society and the world. One positive example is the economic policy devised by Lenin. Resuscitation of the collapsed economy caused by War Communism14 during the Civil War, which called out “the outbreak of nationwide rebellions”15, was absolutely vital. The New Economic Policy (NEP) was introduced and it turned out to provide effective solutions.
According to the NEP, the government would only collect “a percentage of the harvest” from peasants, thus allowing the reserve of the rest, which could be “sold to cooperatives or on the open market.” Even though the concept of trade was still taboo in Russia, the government was not fastidious when it came to its execution. Cooperatives, individuals, and even foreign capitalists leased enterprises, ignoring Russia’s socialist system. Heavy industry was still controlled by the state, but private ownership was allowed for light industry. This time frame also saw the creation of a new stable currency backed by gold. Because of the NEP, the economic crisis quickly dissipated.16
The NEP’s initial success in Russia was not just a happenstance as it was based on the fact that socialism does not necessarily run counter to market economy; capitalism and markets can be used as a transition to socialism. A comparable example of similar economic transition is the Reform and Opening-up Policy17 in China in 1978, when China opened its markets to foreign countries and practiced capitalism to a certain degree, and it illustrates that the NEP has become a great example in guiding similar economic reformations across other socialist systems in the world.
Besides the economy, the Soviet government also attended to the development of culture. The Bolsheviks were aware that “active participation in socialist society depended on being able to read”, andthus worked on increasing the literacy rate. “By the time of the 1926 census, 51 percent of the population was literate, compared with 23 percent in 1897.” Coming from a backward feudal society, Russia began its modernization under the steadfast lead of the Bolsheviks to catch up with other developed European nations. As more and more ordinary Soviets became educationally and culturally literate, they were politically sensitive and willing “to learn the language of the new regime, to ‘speak Bolshevik.’”18
The Bolsheviks educated the people by way of culture, which became “a branch of government concerned with molding minds and promoting attitudes favorable to the construction of a socialist society.”19 Propaganda always highlighted the exaggerated uglification of capitalists’ cupidity based on Communist stereotypes and promulgated such quintessential socialist values as workers’ strong work ethics and soldiers’ patriotism.20 Russian propaganda posters did not specially attack any Western countries, but rather generally and perhaps genetically denounced capitalism and worshipped communism. The Soviets were compelled to behave as socialist models, adopting the values of socialism by way of daily propaganda, which was based on “censorship and strict monopoly on cultural organizations and activities.”21 Even though Russia was on suspicion of brainwashing, the anti-Nazi propaganda campaign during WWII enhanced Soviet troops’ morale and promoted heroism in order to strengthen the national cohesion.22
Controlling people through propaganda proved to be particularly efficient in many socialist and other totalitarian states. The consummate methods used by the Bolsheviks became a constructive guide for other nations. In Nazi Germany, people were ardent about nationalism and expansionism due to Joseph Goebbels’ massive propaganda machine. Goebbels controlled almost every department and each aspect related to culture. In May 1933, he played a seminal role in burning “‘unGerman’ books at the Opera House in Berlin.” Goebbels’ promulgation strategy resembled that of the Bolsheviks’ when they “nationaliz[ed] printing presses and publishing houses.”23
After Russia became stable, the Bolsheviks paid more attention to international affairs. Their goal was to realize a global revolution. Theoretically, most Bolsheviks saw Russia as a viable instrument to implement change in the world. Most Bolsheviks were extremely optimistic and sorely underestimated the power of capitalism. They thought the proletariat would unconditionally align with them and overthrow capitalist governments. However, Russia remained the only socialist country for a long time.
The Soviets needed other socialist allies because Soviet Russia could not survive while being surrounded by inimical capitalist countries willing to destroy their heretical neighbor. Hence, the Communist International (Comintern) “composed of representatives of communist parties” was founded in 1919 to “promote world revolution”.24 With the support from foreign socialists and business relationships, Soviet Russia regained the diplomatic and commercial connections, thus political capital, with countries which used to doubt the legitimacy of the Soviet regime. 25
The period post WWI was auspicious for the dissemination of revolutions since imperial countries had a long history of belligerence with each other thus depleting their respective capital and resources. The collapse of the Central Powers led to wide political instability and a visible economic downturn in Europe, which, in turn, became a hub for socialist and communist ideas. The influence of the revolution began to traverse the Russian border, eventually infiltrating into such countries as Germany and Hungary. The red menace began to show its power.
In Germany, the Spartacus League led a revolt in Berlin in January, 1919, which failed because most workers preferred moderate socialism.26 Almost at the same time, due to waves of strikes in 1918, Hungary was converted into a republic ruled by the bourgeoisie, which was overthrown in 1919 and replaced by a Soviet republic. However, the revolution finally failed when the Allies successfully intervened and the Romanian army marched to Budapest on August 6th, 1919.27 The communists’ effort to build their idealistic countries turned out to be a failure.German resistance against communism proves that even though socialism drew an ample and wonderful blueprint for the working class, workers in relatively prosperous countries were not as amenable to socialism as communist leaders initially thought. Most of them subscribed to the idea that a gradual evolution was preferable to a revolution. However, in countries with political discord and much class conflict, the socialist institution proved to be effective in mollifying popular discontent and refreshing the old corrupted politics.
Communism in the Soviet Union eventually fell in 1991 as a result of internal problems, not NATO intrusion. The drastically weakened economy due to poorly executed centralization policy and vast corruption was the major factor in the dissolution. The conflict between pro-democratic Mikhail Gorbachev and steadfast communists caused the deterioration, which led to the ultimate demise.28 After the Cold War, the communist movement declined quickly.
The Russian Revolution contributed to the concretization of communism and socialism on a global scale. In modernity, there do not exist functional, pure communist or capitalist countries. The concepts of public-owned property and social benefit have become common practice. The regime created by the Russian Revolution has crumbled, but its influence has not certainly vanished. China, following the Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, has risen and become a major player, but right next to it is the dictatorial regime of North Korea led by Kim Jong-un, a meretricious copy of Joseph Stalin.
The future of socialism remains fuzzy and unpredictable. Since all socialist countries are economically backward and insufficiently undeveloped across all sectors, it stands to reason that fundamentally, classical, idealistic socialism does not work well, at least at this point in time. In order to learn from the Russian Revolution, socialist countries have to scrutinize Western developed countries, remember not to repeat the Soviet Union’s mistake of unequivocal totalitarianism and militarism, and adopt a political structure incorporating both communism and Western democracy.
Endnote:
1. From a letter of protest written by Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, who opposed an uprising.
2. “Russian Revolution of 1917.” Encyclopædia Britannica, 24 July 2017.
3. “The Treaty of Portsmouth and the Russo-Japanese War, 1904–1905.” Office of the Historians.
5. “Russia and the First World War.” Spartacus Educational, spartacus
6&7. Pipes, Richard. A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. Vintage, New York, 1995. ChIII
8. “Highest Death Toll from a Civil War.” Guinness World Records.
9. Holquist, Peter. “’Conduct Merciless Mass Terror’: Decossackization on the Don, 1919.” JSTOR, Vol. 38, No. 1/2, Guerre, guerres civiles et conflits nationaux, dans l'Empire russe et en Russie soviétique, 1914-1922 (Jan. - Jun., 1997), pp. 127-162.
10. Figes, Orlando. A People’s Tragedy The Russian Revolution. Vintage, London, 2017. Ch14
11. Smith, S.A. The Russian Revolution. Sterling, New York, 2011. Ch2
12. Figes, Orlando. A People’s Tragedy The Russian Revolution. Vintage, London, 2017. Ch13
13&14. “War Communism.” Encyclopædia Britannica, 18 June 2015, www.britannica.com/event/War-Communism.
15. Pipes, Richard. A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. Vintage, New York, 1995. ChXV
16. Smith, S.A. The Russian Revolution. Sterling, New York, 2011. Ch5
17. Goldman, Marshall I., and Merle Goldman. “Soviet and Chinese Economic Reform.” JSTOR, Vol. 66, No. 3, America and the World 1987/88 (1987/1988), pp. 551-573.
18. Smith, S.A. The Russian Revolution. Sterling, New York, 2011. Ch5
19&21. Pipes, Richard. A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. Vintage, New York, 1995. ChXIV
20&22. Epatko, Larisa. “These Soviet propaganda posters once evoked heroism, pride and anxiety.” PBS, 11 July 2017, www.pbs.org/newshour/world/these-soviet-propaganda-posters-meant-to-evoke-heroism-pride.
23. Heiber, Helmut. “Joseph Goebbels.” Encyclopædia Britannica, 24 April 2018, www.britannica.com/biography/Joseph-Goebbels.
24. “What Was the Third International?” American Historical Association.
25. Pipes, Richard. A Concise History of the Russian Revolution. Vintage, New York, 1995. ChXIII
26. “Germany.” Encyclopædia Britannica, 25 September 2017.
27. Woods, Alan. “The Hungarian Soviet Republic of 1919 – the Forgotten Revolution.” In Defence of Marxism, 12 November 1979, www.marxist.com/hungarian-soviet-republic-1919.htm.
28. “The Collapse of the Soviet Union.” Office of the Historians.
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I am in Grade 11 and I live in Vancouver, BC. As a Canadian student with Chinese descent who intends to pursue his higher education in North America, I find myself in this interesting space where I constantly think about different societies and governmental systems and how they are best run. Having lived in two continents, Asia and North America, and being an avid reader and lover of history, I believe I have a unique perspective which allows me to see the benefits and drawbacks of both communist/socialist forms of government as well as constitutional democracies.